Prime Minister Starmer visited north Wales this past Thursday to announce the development of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This represents a significant policy event with both local and national implications. Yet, the PM did not dedicate much time in Wales to promoting solutions for the UK's power requirements. Instead, he used the time trying to draw a line under the Labour leadership briefing row, informing journalists that Downing Street had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions in recent days.
As such, Sir Keir’s day acted as a small-scale example of what his prime ministership has evolved into more generally. Firstly, he wants his government to be doing, and to be seen to be doing, significant actions. Conversely, he is unable to achieve this because of the manner he – and, to an extent, the nation as a whole – now practices politics and government.
The Prime Minister cannot transform the culture of politics single-handedly, but he is able to do something about his personal involvement in it. The plain fact is that he could manage the centre of government much more effectively than he does. If he did this, he could discover that the country was in less dismay about his government than it is, and that he was communicating his points more effectively.
A number of the problems in Number 10 are about individuals. The personal dynamics of every Downing Street operation are difficult to discern accurately from the exterior. But it seems obvious that Sir Keir fails to make good personnel choices, or maintain them. Perhaps he is too busy. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. However, he must to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.
All premiers spend too much time overseas and on foreign affairs, areas where Sir Keir ought to assign more tasks, and insufficient time talking to MPs and hearing the citizens. Premiers also allocate too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir compounds by performing inadequately. But premiers cannot claim to be surprised when their politically appointed staff, who tend to be party activists or politically ambitious, cross lines or become the story, as the chief of staff has recently.
The most significant problems, though, are systemic. It would be beneficial to believe that Sir Keir read the Institute for Government’s spring 2024 report on reforming the centre of government. His failure to address these matters last July or since suggests he did not. The often abject experience of Labour’s time in office suggests recommendations like restructuring the roles of the Cabinet Office and No 10, and dividing the jobs of cabinet secretary and civil service head, are now urgent.
The dominant political role of PMs far outdistances the support available to them. As a result, all aspects suffer, and many tasks are poorly executed or ignored.
This is not Sir Keir’s fault alone. He stands as the victim of previous shortcomings along with the architect of current mistakes. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and take the machinery of government seriously have been disappointed. Sadly, the biggest loser from this shortcoming is Sir Keir himself.
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